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OVERVIEW It is dangerous to let the public behind the scenes. They are easily disillusioned and then they are angry with you for it was the illusion they loved. (WSM) I have always sung "God Save Our Queen" with heartfelt sincerity. I think Her Majesty is a tremendous influence for good in the Country, in the Commonwealth and in the World at large. However, when at the end of the Queen’s Golden Jubilee celebrations millions of British citizens sang with gusto "Land of hope and glory, mother of the free", I had strong reservations about the laudable sentiments being expressed. It is true that the vast majority of citizens of the United Kingdom are free but there must be others in addition to myself who, though perfectly law-abiding and in good standing with society at large, have had their freedom unwarrantably curtailed. Why am I so concerned about freedom? In addition to the notion of freedom picked up from childhood, especially from members of the family and teachers who fought in the 1st World War, I learned much from experience in the fight for freedom which was at the heart of the 2nd World War. Under bombardment by V1 and V2 missiles The near misses in civvy street while our Armed Forces were incurring heavy casualties in liberating France and the Low Countries gave me particularly intense feelings about freedom and impelled me to make sacrifices, of a different sort, in my own battle for freedom.
COVERT PRACTICES My freedom has been severely curtailed by covert practices at the highest echelons of society. The processes and attitudes I have encountered are so alien to what I had learnt or assumed about the nature of society in Britain that it was years before I grudgingly accepted that they actually took place. Part of that acceptance was due to society becoming increasingly aware of the existence of covert practices, partly due to my increasing understanding of the processes and perhaps, most importantly, increasing information becoming available concerning my particular experiences. What I have put forward in the documents which follow is a set of concepts which enable the actual events in my life to be explained in the most coherent way. First and foremost, the experiences to be described are best understood by assuming that there has existed in the United Kingdom at least two schemes for the development of individuals for high office, namely Establishment and Industrial. The emergence of international and political dimensions as components of one or the other or as separate schemes will also become clear.
ESTABLISHMENT SCHEME An associated postulate is that very near the top level in U.K. society there exists a small group of people whose purpose is to find and develop individuals for public office or for other kinds of service at that level. Their method of working is to exert an influence behind the scenes and to enable this to take place a number of practices or techniques have been developed. In essence the group is an undeclared secret organisation with good contacts with all kinds of Establishment bodies and individuals, up to the top as well as to lower down, which can be used to make enquiries, to act as intermediaries and to carry out numerous other kinds of operations. Being near the top, the channels available for communication are quite exceptional and some, with our monarchical system, are unique. By these methods, considerable influence can be brought to bear on individuals and organisations, without authority and accountability and virtually untraceable back to source. The group is motivated by goodwill in meeting the needs of the U.K. and is at pains to work with wisdom, objectivity and diligence but it has to be said that its methods of influence are prone to errors, are liable to be subverted and are a negation of open democratic processes. I obtained the first admission of the existence of such an Establishment scheme from the late W.L. (Bill) Leake, Grand Secretary, at Mark Masons‛ Hall, London. Around the same time I received a thought-provoking reply to an enquiry I had made to Uwe Kitzinger, who was President of an Oxford College. Although both Bill Leake and Uwe Kitzinger were reluctant to reveal their sources, their reaction shows that the practices I described are or were being applied. The existence of the Establishment scheme will become increasingly apparent as this history progresses. ---------------------------------------------------------- In my case the Industrial scheme and probably its Establishment counterpart had their origin when I lived in Cambridge. |
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